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California Legislature Votes to Eliminate Poverty Fees From the Criminal Administrative System, Sends to Governor

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

CONTACT:

Maria Sundeen, Western Center on Law & Poverty
[email protected]
213-235-2639

SACRAMENTO, CA—Today, the California Legislature sent Governor Newsom AB 2428 (C. Rodriguez), which eliminates a dozen criminal administrative fees and discharges uncollectable fee debt. With Governor Newsom’s signature, this bill will eliminate practices that disproportionately trap low-income individuals and communities of color in cycles of recidivism and poverty.

“AB 2428 stops charging unfair administrative fees to Californians who can least afford them.  This change connects our legal system to what really matters: justice and helping people rebuild their lives. I urge Governor Newsom to sign this bill and protect California’s most vulnerable communities,” said bill author Assemblymember Celeste Rodriguez.

Existing state law authorizes localities to charge individuals administrative fees throughout the criminal legal process, such as fees for receiving medical care or creating a payment plan. Administrative fees serve no rehabilitative or restorative purpose; fees are imposed on individuals regardless of their behavior and exist only to recover costs.

Research conducted by the San Francisco Financial Justice Project found that such fees, which often amount to many thousands of dollars, present barriers to re-entry for those leaving incarceration: “The vast majority of people exiting jail or prison are unemployed, have unstable housing, have no steady source of income, and find work difficult or nearly impossible to obtain after release. Simply put, they can rarely afford to pay these fees.” The study found that such fees keep those who have paid their debt to society trapped in economic precarity, increasing rates of recidivism.

The fees that AB 2428 eliminates serve as an inefficient and unjust source of revenue. Many fees either go unpaid, or are borne by the loved ones of incarcerated and formerly incarcerated individuals, levying additional costs on low-income communities and particularly on women of color. Despite heavily burdening vulnerable communities, these fees do not meaningfully improve state or local budgets; collecting fees costs counties almost as much or more than is collected in revenue.

Additionally, following the 2025 California Supreme Court decision, People v. Kopp, courts must assess each individual’s ability to pay before charging a fee, adding to administrative costs and further decreasing the available amount of collectable fees. The California legislature has recognized the growing ineffectiveness and cruelty of these fines, passing four other bills that eliminate similar fees since 2021. AB 2428 continues the legislature’s vital work of eliminating unjust fees that exist only to burden vulnerable communities.

“AB 2428 continues the work of Debt Free Justice California to dismantle systems of economic oppression and racialized harm. The goals of equity, fairness, and justice require that this work continue until these systems are stricken. AB 2428 is another critical step towards debt free justice in California,” said Brandon L. Greene Esq., Director of Policy Advocacy,  Western Center on Law and Poverty.

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Amid Reports of Mass Visa ‘Pause,’ Groups File Emergency Motion to Enforce Court Order Striking Down 75-Country Visa Ban

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE   

CONTACT
National Immigration Law Center: Juan Gastelum, [email protected], 213-375-3149
Democracy Forward: [email protected]
Western Center on Law & Poverty: Maria Sundeen, [email protected], 213-235-2639
The Legal Aid Society: [email protected]
Center for Constitutional Rights: [email protected]
Colombo & Hurd: [email protected]

NEW YORK —Immigrant families, workers, and legal assistance groups harmed by the Trump administration’s 75-country ban on immigrant visas filed an emergency motion to enforce Friday’s court order and judgment in CLINIC v. Rubio. The filing directly responds to reports that the State Department ordered a global “pause” on immigrant visa appointments, citing a training program as the reason after the court issued its order. On Friday, Aug. 21, a federal court struck down the Trump administration’s blanket ban on immigrant visa processing for people from 75 countries and found the Secretary of State had no authority to “pause” or suspend visa processing. 

“The August 21 ruling created an important path forward for families who have been waiting for their immigrant visa cases to move ahead,” said Adriana Coppola, supervising attorney of emerging issues at CLINIC. “CLINIC’s emergency motion is focused on ensuring that the court’s decision is implemented in a way that allows those cases to proceed fairly, individually, and with respect for the dignity of each person and the importance of family reunification.” 

“Families who have waited for months to be reunited with their loved ones continue to be separated across oceans as a result of the government refusing to abide by the court’s order and lift the blanket visa ban,” said Efrén C. Olivares, vice president of litigation & legal strategy at the National Immigration Law Center (NILC). “We continue to seek justice for our plaintiffs and have sought relief from the court to ensure the government complies with the order and judgment immediately.” 

“The court’s orders were crystal clear – the Trump-Vance administration’s Visa Ban is unlawful and cannot be enforced,” said Skye Perryman, president and CEO of Democracy Forward. “Yet the administration is egregiously and flagrantly ignoring a duly issued court order and enforcing unlawful policies that continue to inflict enormous harm on families and communities across the country. On behalf of our brave clients, we are asking the court to enforce its judgment and ensure that the government stops this abuse of power.” 

“The court was clear: the State Department cannot simply stop processing immigrant visas because it chooses to. Yet days after that ruling, the administration appears to be doing exactly that under a different name,” said Antionette Dozier, senior attorney, Western Center on Law & Poverty. “This blatant attempt to sidestep the law continues to keep families separated, disrupt lives, and leave people who have already endured months of uncertainty in limbo. A court order is not a suggestion. The administration must follow the law and resume processing these visas.” 

“This administration’s seeming default is disorder and lawlessness, wherever that serves to hurt and exclude families of color,” said Baher Azmy, legal director of the Center for Constitutional Rights. “The executive branch shouldn’t have to be forced, again, to follow the law, yet we need additional judicial intervention to protect those families the administration seems determined to punish.”  

“Legitimate global training programs are not rolled out in this manner,” said Sarah Wilson, partner & federal immigration litigation practice leader at Colombo & Hurd. “We are optimistic that the court will see this for what it is: blatant noncompliance with a thoughtful and well-reasoned court order.” 

“The court’s decision made clear that the ban is unlawful and that the processing of visas for the families and workers impacted directly by the ban should proceed,” said Susan Welber, supervising attorney in the civil practice at The Legal Aid Society. “The Defendants’ outrageous attempt to thwart the processing of such visas worldwide smacks of animus and pretext.”   

The National Immigration Law Center, Democracy Forward, The Legal Aid Society, the Western Center on Law & Poverty, the Center for Constitutional Rights, and Colombo & Hurd brought the lawsuit on behalf of Catholic Legal Immigration Network, Inc. (CLINIC); African Communities Together; and individuals whose lives were upended by the ban. The case was filed on February 2 in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York. 

The lawsuit argued that the U.S. Department of State imposed an unlawful, discriminatory, nationality-based barrier to legal immigration that strips families and working people of the process guaranteed by law. The Trump administration baselessly cited “public charge” risk as its stated justification for the ban, after relentlessly and cruelly smearing immigrant communities, particularly communities of color. 

The defendants in the lawsuit are U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the U.S. Department of State. 

Read the decision here as well as the case background, including the initial filing announcement, here. 

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Women’s Equality Day is Today, and Everyday 

Women’s Equality Day may mark the adoption of the 19th Amendment, but voting rights for women certainly didn’t reach every woman at once. More than a century later, the fight for equal access is still unfolding in our workplaces, our homes, our communities, and in the systems that determine who gets heard, who gets protected, and who gets left behind. 
So this year, we’re taking the conversation out of the history books and into the streets. We asked Western Center staff what Women’s Equality Day means to them—through the lens of their own lives, their work, and the communities we fight alongside. Their answers reflect the many ways gender collides with race, poverty, immigration, health, housing, and power. It’s also a reminder that equality isn’t something we commemorate once a year. It’s something we keep pushing forward. 

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Equality Day: A Reminder, Not a Finish Line 

Sandra Poole, Senior Policy Advocate

Women’s Equality Day, observed each year on August 26, commemorates the 1920 adoption of the 19th Amendment. While this milestone is often celebrated as a victory for women’s voting rights, for Black women it represents a far more complicated history. 

The 19th Amendment prohibited denying the vote on the basis of sex, but it did not eliminate the racial barriers that continued to block Black women from the ballot box. Jim Crow laws, poll taxes, literacy tests, and violent intimidation remained firmly in place for decades. Not until the Voting Rights Act of 1965 did Black women gain meaningful federal protection of their voting rights. In that reality, equality was not yet achieved—for many, it was an illusion. 

And yet, despite enduring systemic inequities, Black women have continued to lead with brilliance, courage, and resilience, often navigating institutions that were never designed with us in mind. Nowhere is that clearer than in the political arena, where Black women continue to demonstrate extraordinary civic engagement and leadership in the face of longstanding institutional barriers. 

For this reason, I choose to see Women’s Equality Day not only as a commemoration, but as a call to action. Progress has been made, but the work is far from finished. We must continue dismantling the inequities that persist today, including the disproportionate burdens of poverty, chronic health conditions, housing instability, and workplace discrimination. 

Equality: The Freedom to be an Unruly Human  

Maria Sundeen, Chief Communications Strategist

Women’s equality isn’t solely about gaining rights. We might want to look deeper into what we’re allowed to do with those rights once we get them. 

These unwritten rules don’t come from laws; they’re enforced through social and cultural expectations that, over generations, have dictated how women should behave, what they should want, and how much space they’re allowed to occupy. That stifling yoke of expectation has taught us to soften our voices, apologize for taking up space, and carry everyone else’s needs alongside our own. It tells us how we’re supposed to exercise our own legal and human rights. 

So, while we can now vote, buy a house, travel alone, open bank accounts, and more, we are still boxed into a narrow mold—one that opens the door to laws like the SAVE Act and state abortion bans, dictating our health care, our bodies, and our right to decide our own futures. 

It’s clear that the law alone can’t mend the enormous cultural and social disparities that lead to movements restricting our lives. That means the work still falls to all of us, individually and collectively. Refusing the roles means undoing generations of cultural conditioning. It means recognizing how difficult those rules can be to see when we’ve absorbed them as our own, and learning to define ourselves rather than to perform a gender-assigned role. 

Throwing off that yoke begins with rejecting those inherited identities and claiming the freedom to be something far messier, bolder, and more fully human—to move through the world on our own terms, under our own names. 

The real frontier of women’s equality isn’t simply gaining entry into spaces once denied to us. It’s having the freedom to enter—or not enter—without being told who we must become, how we must behave, or what we’re allowed to do once we get there. 

The Men Who Fight Alongside Us 

Joy Dockter, Senior Attorney

For me, commemoration of women’s equality isn’t just about the women who raised the bar to its present place and continue to push toward true equality. It’s also about the men who stand up and say no, who stand behind and support women in their struggle, who join the fight for equality even when there is no direct benefit to them. 

As a child in the late 1970s, I saw that modeled by my dad as my mom worked to enter the field we would now call IT support. When they married in 1964, Mom did the expected keeping house and raising kids. But by the time I started school, she was also taking night classes at community college, headed toward a Bachelor’s Degree she didn’t have the chance to earn as a younger woman. There was never a question of whether she could do whatever was necessary to advance her career, only discussions of how my family could make it work. 

In 1981, at the dawn of home computing, Dad encouraged Mom to take a leap of faith and move from a sure-thing position that had helped support our family for years to a risky role as one of IBM Canada’s first female “troubleshooters.” I know the unknown scared them both, but it was what she wanted, and he was there to support that desire. 

He was also there to support me as I pursued an earlier career as a firefighter. He worried about me, a woman surrounded by “rough and ready” men, but encouraged me to move ahead, and I never doubted that he believed I could do it. As others warned me that the job wasn’t for women, my Dad stood behind me every step. Because he knew there was nothing a woman couldn’t do if she put her mind to it, and he wasn’t afraid to say so. Loudly. 

I know I was fortunate. Many women still must fight every day to be treated equally. I am forever grateful for my Dad, my big brother, and the many male mentors and friends who stood up for me, encouraged me, and let me know that my future should never be limited because of my gender. I celebrate women and their fight for equality. But I also celebrate the men who fight alongside. 

What the Women Who Raised Me Taught Me

Jason Rivera, Development Coordinator 

I was raised by three strong Puerto Rican women: my mother, my grandmother, and my aunt. They were courageous, outspoken, tough, and loving. In different ways, each of them taught me that strength doesn’t always announce itself. Sometimes it looks like speaking up. Sometimes it looks like persevering. Sometimes it looks like caring. And sometimes it looks like demanding more from the world. 

Growing up surrounded by these women shaped how I see equality. I learned to listen to women, not only to hear their experiences, but to value their perspectives and understand that their experiences can expand my awareness of the world. 

Now, as a father to a daughter, I draw on the strength of the women who raised me. I want my daughter to grow up confident, courageous, honest, and kind. I want her to know that her voice matters and that she never has to shrink who she is to make someone else comfortable. 

I want my daughter to know that she gets to decide who she wants to be, and that she deserves the freedom, opportunity, and support to become that person. I hope she grows up knowing that equality isn’t about being given permission to take up space, it’s about knowing that she belongs in that space in the first place. 

That, to me, is part of what equality means. 

Federal Court Strikes Down Trump’s Discriminatory 75-Country Visa Ban 

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE   

Court strikes down the blanket, nationality-based freeze, ruling that it violated federal law and exceeded statutory authority

CONTACT
National Immigration Law Center: Juan Gastelum, [email protected], 213-375-3149
Democracy Forward: [email protected]
Western Center on Law & Poverty: Maria Sundeen, [email protected], 213-235-2639
The Legal Aid Society: [email protected]
Center for Constitutional Rights: [email protected]
Colombo & Hurd: [email protected]

NEW YORK — In a major victory for families, fairness, and the rule of law, a federal court in New York struck down the Trump administration’s blanket, nationality-based “public charge” ban on immigrant visa processing for people from 75 countries. The court held that the ban exceeds the Secretary of State’s statutory and regulatory authority and violates Section 1152(a)(1)(A) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965’s prohibition on nationality-based discrimination in issuing a visa. In its decision, the court also vacated and set aside any visa denial based solely on the ban and ordered the State Department to restore lawful, case-by-case evaluation of visa applications. 

“We welcome this ruling because, at its heart, this case is about keeping families together,” said Anna Gallagher, executive director of the Catholic Legal Immigration Network, Inc. (CLINIC). “The suspension of lawful visa processing across 75 countries separated spouses, parents, and children who were simply following the legal immigration process. Catholic social teaching calls us to uphold the dignity of every person and recognize the family as the foundation of society. Today’s decision affirms both those values and the rule of law, allowing families to once again move forward toward reunification.” 

This decision is a tremendous victory for the rule of law,” said Diana Konate, Deputy Executive Director for Policy and Advocacy at African Communities Together, an associational plaintiff in the case.This unlawful and racist ban caused immeasurable harm, cruelly keeping families and loved ones apart.  Today, we are elated to tell our community members: this ban is no more.” 

Today’s decision is a significant victory for the hundreds of thousands of families across the country and the world whose lives were thrown into chaos by this administration’s unlawful and discriminatory visa ban,” said Joanna Cuevas Ingram, Senior Staff Attorney at the National Immigration Law Center“The court made clear that immigration laws cannot be used to justify discrimination. We are determined to ensure every person and family this ban harmed receives appropriate relief and will continue to hold this administration accountable to its obligations under the law.” 

“This is a victory for justice and fairness, said Susan Welber, Supervising Attorney with the Civil Practice at The Legal Aid Society. “The Administration cannot weaponize the public charge ground of inadmissibility to keep families apart. We call on the State Department to immediately resume consular processing for our individual plaintiffs and all others impacted by this blatant lawlessness. 

“Today’s ruling is a critical rebuke of an unlawful and discriminatory policy that inflicted enormous harm on families and communities across the country,” said Skye Perryman, President and CEO of Democracy Forward. “The Trump-Vance administration cannot weaponize immigration law to blacklist entire countries, separate families, and deny people rights guaranteed by the Constitution without being held accountable. We are honored to represent our clients and grateful that the court took action to protect their rights.” 

Today’s ruling is a significant victory for the families and communities harmed by this policy. After months of separation and uncertainty, our clients can finally move forward, free to pursue the legal immigration pathways this administration unlawfully tried to block,” said Sarah Wilson, Partner & Federal Immigration Litigation Practice Leader at Colombo & Hurd. 

“This ruling is a resounding rebuke of a discriminatory policy that tore families apart and treated entire nationalities as unworthy of due process,” said Antionette Dozier, Senior Attorney for Western Center on Law & Poverty. “Congress set out clear, individualized criteria for immigrant visa eligibility—not a blanket ban that drew, in the words of District Judge Hon. Jeannette A. Vargas, ‘pernicious distinctions based upon nationality’. For 75 countries’ worth of families, this decision means a return to fair, case-by-case review, and a chance to be reunited with their loved ones. No administration gets to override the law because it deems an applicant’s nationality unacceptable.” 

“This latest attempt by the Trump administration to enforce its white nationalist worldview through U.S. immigration policy is, like the others, equal parts retrograde and unlawful,” said Baher Azmy, Legal Director of The Center for Constitutional Rights. “We are proud to stand by communities that will not stop fighting against the administration’s attempts to project its racist insecurities to tear apart families.” 

The National Immigration Law Center, Democracy Forward, The Legal Aid Society, the Western Center on Law & Poverty, the Center for Constitutional Rights, and Colombo & Hurd brought the lawsuit on behalf of Catholic Legal Immigration Network, Inc. (CLINIC); African Communities Together; and individuals whose lives were upended by the ban. The case was filed on February 2 in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York. 

The lawsuit argued that the U.S. Department of State imposed an unlawful, discriminatory nationality-based barrier to legal immigration that strips families and working people of the process guaranteed by law. The Trump administration baselessly cited “public charge” risk as its stated justification for the ban, after relentlessly and cruelly smearing immigrant communities, particularly communities of color. 

The defendants in the lawsuit are U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and the U.S. Department of State. 

Read the decision here as well as the case background, including the initial filing announcement, here. 

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Nobody Wins This Alone: Black August and California’s Unfinished Work

California’s work on racial and economic justice is unfinished — and Black August is a reminder that remembrance without action isn’t enough.

Black August began inside the walls of San Quentin, shaped by the political education, resistance, and organizing of George Jackson—shouldered by the people who carried his memory and his voice forward. But Black August was never simply an exercise in remembrance of the fight for justice. It asked something harder: what do we do with this call to action? What does it require of us?

That question matters in California right now.

Just two years ago, California had come closer than ever to universal health care, meaningful reparations, and equitable access to humane public benefits. But federal challenges, budget constraints, and compromised legislation have pushed us back toward a system of injustice we thought we had begun to leave behind.

The chaos coming out of Washington can cast a long shadow that obscures what remains unfinished here at home. This facile villain allows us to promote our own virtue as, comparatively, perhaps we’re not THAT. But in all honesty, the mirror can be cloudy when we’re busy watching someone else’s fire.

When Washington attacks birthright citizenship, dismantles civil rights protections, erases history from classrooms, or challenges the right of communities of color to tell the truth about our own experience, California likes to say “not here, not at this table.” But resistance to someone else’s agenda is not the same thing as confronting our own.

We saw that contradiction clearly in 2024, when California voters rejected Proposition 6, which would have prohibited forced labor in state prisons. The language of involuntary servitude remains in the constitution of a state that routinely describes itself as a national leader on civil rights.

And we saw it again in 2025, when the Legislative Black Caucus’s 16-bill “Road to Repair” package resulted in only this: establishment of a Bureau for Descendants of American Slavery and a formal state apology—along with a veto of all other constructive efforts to address historic property theft and a requirement to disclose ties to slavery.

That contradiction should trouble us more than it does.

Taking Action

Amid these shifting political, cultural and economic winds, Western Center on Law & Poverty is working with the Alliance for Reparations, Reconciliation, and Truth (ARRT) to press California to turn the Reparations Task Force’s recommendations into law. Together with the California Black Power Network and the Equal Justice Society (another coalition Western Center partners with), ARRT is building support for reparative policies and pushing state leaders toward action through Capitol advocacy, public outreach, and coalition organizing. We’re also a core part of the Freedom & Justice Alliance, which is working with ARRT to erase involuntary servitude permanently.

This work is vital because documenting harm is not the same thing as repairing it. A state can acknowledge what happened, commission the research, publish the findings, even apologize—and still stop short of changing the structures that allowed those harms to compound across generations.

Black August should remind us all that systems rarely announce themselves as systems. They show up in sentences, fees, eligibility rules, court procedures, administrative decisions and the thousand small places where government decides who receives grace, who receives punishment, whose family is protected, and whose instability is treated as a personal failure.

This is the ground level work we’re doing at Western Center. And that is also where repair lives.

It lives in family court reform. In guaranteed income pilots. In removing fines and fees that punish people precisely because they are poor. In preserving access to food, housing, and health care when budgets tighten and political courage gets expensive. In keeping families together instead of building policies around their disruption. Much of this work will never carry the word reparations in its title. But if reparations means repairing the accumulated consequences of public policy, then we should be willing to recognize repair even when it arrives without the label.

That distinction matters because policy language has a way of distilling our humanity into us or them propositions. But somewhere, a mother sits in a California courtroom waiting for a judge to decide something that will reshape her family’s life. Somewhere else, legislative staff are debating amendments, advocates are counting votes, and bills such as AB 2122, AB 2428, AB 2195 and AB 2395 are making their way through the Capitol.

The woman in that courtroom may never know their numbers. She may never read the committee analyses or hear the arguments made in their defense. But she will understand immediately what happens if the law changes. Or if it doesn’t.

Why This Matters

The ongoing debate behind closed doors in state-level budget meetings doesn’t change one simple fact:  it is the Black and brown communities, the Indigenous and rural communities, the vulnerable foster youth and asylees who will bear the brunt of these devastating policy changes and budget cuts. Dictated at the national level. Embedded at the state level. Where instead we could push back.

That is the distance we have to close: between the hearing room and the living room, between the policy and the person, between the language of justice and the experience of it. These are not separate fights. They are the same fight in different rooms.

And that is one of the lessons Black organizing brings front and center. My history is not Black history, and solidarity doesn’t require pretending otherwise. But our histories of organizing have crossed again and again–farmworker movements and Black freedom struggles, Panther and civil rights coalitions, communities learning from one another, sometimes failing one another, and still discovering that power depends on whether we can build something larger than our own experience.

This fall, California chooses a new government. The easiest questions will be about candidates. The harder question is what they carry with them when they get there. Do they carry memory, not as ceremony, but as instruction?

There are also important and impactful progressive ideas on the ballot—the Voter ID, the billionaire tax ballot measure, and more—all of which will lay the economic and political groundwork for the future.

Each of these need to recognize that racial justice cannot be separated neatly from poverty, housing, health care, incarceration, immigration or the ability of a family to survive one bad month.

Will our new leadership have the discipline to keep repairing systems after the cameras leave and the language becomes technical and the victories become harder to explain?

And do they understand something movements have known far longer than governments have?

Nobody wins this alone.

 

The Unfinished Promise of Juneteenth: Freedom, Repair, and Economic Justice

For much of its history, Juneteenth itself was overlooked, dismissed, or marginalized by mainstream institutions that often devalued Black history and Black celebrations. Yet Black communities continued to preserve the holiday, ensuring that its meaning survived long before it received national recognition. 

Juneteenth asks us to consider who is still waiting: waiting for economic opportunity, waiting for stable housing, waiting for quality health care, waiting for fair treatment in the courts, waiting for barriers created by generations of discrimination to finally be removed. The mechanisms may look different, but the relationship between power, information, opportunity, and access remains. 

At Western Center on Law & Poverty, this understanding shapes our work every day. Poverty in America did not emerge in a vacuum. Many of the systems that create and sustain economic hardship today are rooted in policies that excluded Black communities from building wealth, accessing opportunity, and fully participating in society. If we are serious about ending poverty, we must also be serious about confronting the racial inequities that helped create it. 

That is why Western Center supports efforts to advance reparative policies that acknowledge and address the lasting harms of slavery, segregation, redlining, discrimination, and exclusion. It is why we work alongside advocates, community leaders, and policymakers to dismantle barriers that continue to trap families in cycles of poverty and economic instability. 

Our work with Debt Free Justice California reflects this commitment. For decades, fines, fees, court debt, and other forms of racialized wealth extraction have disproportionately burdened Black communities, creating obstacles to employment, housing, economic mobility, and family stability. These systems often punish poverty rather than address it. Through litigation, policy advocacy, and coalition work, we are fighting to eliminate these barriers and ensure that a person’s financial circumstances do not determine their future. 

The pursuit of equity and repair is inseparable from the fight against poverty. Freedom cannot be fully realized when communities continue to bear the cumulative burdens of generations of exclusion, dispossession, and discrimination. The harms created by slavery, segregation, redlining, and discriminatory public policy did not end with their formal repeal; they continue to shape access to wealth, opportunity, stability, and self-determination today. 

Repair requires more than acknowledging this history. It demands a sustained commitment to dismantling systems that continue to reproduce inequality and to investing in the communities that have borne the greatest harms. Across generations, Black communities have resisted these barriers through collective action, mutual aid, organizing, and advocacy, creating pathways toward opportunity despite structures designed to deny it. That history demonstrates not only our self-determination but also a vision for what meaningful repair can look like. 

Reframing economic justice through the lens of repair challenges us to confront both historical wrongs and their present-day consequences. It calls for policies that restore opportunity, remove structural barriers, and build lasting security for future generations rather than simply managing the inequalities inherited from the past. In that sense, the unfinished promise of Juneteenth is not only about recognizing a delayed freedom, but about fulfilling the long-denied obligation to repair the conditions that continue to constrain that freedom today. 

Senate Public Safety Committee Advances AB 2122 To End Practice of Sending People to Jail for Non-Jailable Infractions

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Contact:

Maria Sundeen, 323-333-5439 – Western Center on Law and Poverty

Tenoch Flores, 415-254-5970 – Debt Free Justice CA

 

Legislation authored by Assemblymember Ash Kalra will end the practice of sending people to jail for infractions such as minor traffic violations, street vending without a permit, and eating or sitting in public

SACRAMENTO, CA — Debt Free Justice California—a coalition of legal advocates, policy experts, and movement-building organizations led by impacted people working to end the criminal legal system’s extraction of wealth from marginalized communities—announced the Senate Public Safety Committee advanced AB 2122, authored by Assemblymember Ash Kalra (D-San José). The bill will end the practice of issuing custodial bench warrants for non-jailable infractions such as minor traffic violations, street vending without a permit, littering, and sitting in public.

A bench warrant is an order issued directly by a judge (“from the bench”) authorizing law enforcement to immediately arrest an individual for failing to comply with court orders (like missing a scheduled court appearance or failing to pay fines). Bench warrants may be custodial (a person can be taken to jail) or non-custodial (a person can be cited/fined). AB 2122 would end the use of “custodial” bench warrants for minor infractions.

“Thank you to the Senate Public Safety Committee for advancing AB 2122 to end the needlessly punitive practice of custodial bench warrants for otherwise non-jailable infractions,” said Assemblymember Ash Kalra (D-San Jose). “California must recognize the various barriers that could prevent someone from appearing in court and ensure accountability is proportionate to the offense, without throwing someone in jail just simply because they could not pay a fine.”

AB 2122 addresses a longstanding driver of poverty by ending a practice that punishes people for being poor. Custodial bench warrants for non-jailable infractions have effectively functioned as an entry point into debtor’s prison, by triggering arrest, jail time, lost income, disrupted employment, and even housing instability. This creates a system in which people who are able to pay their fines never have to appear in court, while those who cannot afford to pay can ultimately be arrested. People who cannot afford to pay their fines can then end up in jail for what are non-jailable infractions.

Even short periods of time spent in jail for a minor infraction can lead to severe economic disruption in people’s lives and negatively impact families. These consequences fall hardest on low-income communities and communities of color, turning minor violations into life-altering economic setbacks.

“Between the ages of 17 and 30 I was trapped in a cycle of pretextual policing and criminalization for being poor,” said Marco Duncan, Policy Fellow with Legal Services for Prisoners with Children. “If I missed a court date, a bench warrant would be issued for failing to appear, and I would then face additional fines and jail time. Those trips to jail often resulted in the loss of cars, clothes, relationships, and my ability to get and keep a job. Using the legal system to punish people for what they do not have does not align with American values, and for that reason, California must pass AB 2122.”

The bill next heads to the Senate Appropriations Committee.

“Affordability has become the new word of the day. One of the most pressing ways life is made more unaffordable for communities of color is via the racialized wealth extraction of the criminal legal system,” said Brandon Greene, Director of Policy Advocacy for Western Center on Law and Poverty. “The bill is another necessary step in rectifying these ongoing harms.”

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About Debt Free Justice California
Debt Free Justice California is a coalition comprised of legal advocates, policy experts, and, most importantly, movement-building organizations led by impacted people, focused on ending California’s system of extracting wealth from—and maintaining a system of punishment and control of—low-income communities and communities of color within the criminal legal system and prison industrial complex. This includes the imposition and collection of fines, fees, and restitution in the juvenile, criminal, and civil legal systems.

Still Fighting for the Union We Were Promised

As our country prepares to embark on celebrations related to its 250th anniversary, it is important to reflect upon what that anniversary is gifting us. 

For much of our history America has been portrayed as the shining beacon on the hill. A place where anyone can make it and as our monetary slogan states “e pluribus unum” out of many one. A moto first suggested in 1776 and first appearing on coins in 1786. 

In many ways this is and has always been a contradiction in terms, as the 1776 project has documented the ways in which this same year was the start of bondage and secondary status for the Africans transported here in bondage against their will. 

Yet and still, over time, these thirteen words were the connective language that inspired generations of immigrants to leave their home and come here. The idea that the great melting pot would welcome them was enough to navigate perilous and fraught journeys to get here. 

Taking the phrase from a catchy marketing slogan to one of substance has always been the great struggle of the American project. 

The freedoms espoused have never truly been offered to everyone and progress has never come without struggling and organizing to make them real. 

This fact is even more salient as we enter the season of the 250th anniversary. 

Currently, every aspect of the civil rights infrastructure born of the blood of organizers and activists who dared to believe that a more perfect union was possible enough that they were put their lives and bodies and the line for its fulfilment, is under imminent threat. 

The Deputy Director of the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Bureau is actively dismantling the gains of the civil rights movement because she believes that the movement went too far. 

Recruitment ads for Immigrations and Customs Enforcement are so virulently racist that analysts in the Colorado Information Analysis Center warned that they could lead “white supremacist violent extremists to attempt to join or infiltrate ICE and engage in bias motivated violence, endangering the public, other ICE personnel, and local law enforcement.” 

The Voting Rights Act of 1965, the crown jewel of the civil rights movement has been all but dismantled, left to hobble along with no real teeth left to take a bite out of the various purposeful vote disenfranchisement that is afoot. 

Immediately after the recent decision in Louisiana v. Callais state after state after sought to destroy the majority minority voting districts that have been responsible for the few Black members of Congress that our country has had over its 250 year history – less than 200 over that span. The majority elected after the passaged of the Civil Rights Act of 1965. According to NPR “Black-represented districts were in the single digits or at zero for a century after the Civil War. But since the passing of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, that number has grown to 63 districts, making up around 14% of the House.” 

We truly find ourselves in the worst timeline, where virtually everything is under attack, from civil rights to ethnic studies to directories to help people find a Black doctor. 

It would make a lot of sense to let apathy slip in, to take our proverbial ball and go home; and to be clear, there is an aspect of that strategy that may be necessary. 

It may be necessary for Black and other minority communities to invest in building sustainable hyperlocal ecosystems to survive and thrive as they have done at various times through the odyssey of America. 

What can’t be done though is to allow paralyzing apathy to slip in. Now is the moment to do more. 

Local and state elections have always mattered but they will matter more now. 

Building local movements and creating inertia for change matter more now. 

Recently, I was asked why I continue to fight. 

I won’t pretend that I had some super eloquent answer or that I am not at risk of falling victim to the same things that I say we can fall victim to. 

BUT, at the end of the day, I fight because that is my legacy. I take great pride in knowing that there has not been a single day in the 250 year history of this country that Black and other marginalized people have not been organizing, agitating and activating for change. 

If there is to be a day off from that, it won’t be taken by me. 

I intend on contributing further to the true history of the 250 years of the this imperfect union. 

California Coalition Applauds Progress as Key Affordability Bills Advance in Legislature, Promoting Economic and Racial Justice

For Immediate Release 

Contact:
Jhumpa Bhattacharya
The Maven Collaborative
510-919-9228  |  [email protected] 

Coalition Pushes Sweeping Reforms to End Criminalization of Poverty 

SACRAMENTO, CA — Today, Debt Free Justice California — a coalition of legal advocates, policy experts, and movement-building organizations led by impacted people working to end the criminal legal system’s extraction of wealth from marginalized communities — celebrates the vote to move Assembly Bill 2122 and 2428 out of the Assembly Public Safety Committee and onto Appropriations. These bills are part of a package supported by the coalition that addresses the affordability crisis in California and advances racial and economic justice. These bills curb harmful practices that perpetuate debt, destabilize families, and widen racial inequities across the state.

The coalition’s 2026 legislative priorities include:

  • AB 2122 – Ban Infraction Bench Warrants Bill: Preventing practices that create a debtors’ prison by eliminating bench warrants for infractions, which are minor, non-jailable offenses. Current practices allow for arrest warrants for the inability to pay or appear in court for infractions.
  • AB 2428 – End Poverty Fees Bill: Abolishing unjust administrative fees that push families into debt and poverty simply for interacting with the legal system.
  • SB 498 – Addressing Prison Communications Costs: Ensuring loved ones can stay connected to incarcerated family members by ending arbitrary call limits on communications within prisons. 

“These harms aren’t isolated—they are woven into a system that drains wealth and stability from Black, Brown, and low-income communities, where fines and fees compound into cycles of debt, and call on us to dismantle the structures that criminalize poverty while nurturing investments that help communities heal and thrive.” — J. Vasquez, Policy Director, Communities United for Restorative Youth Justice

Debt Free Justice California has centered a strong racial justice framework in its advocacy work — combining data-driven research with the lived expertise of impacted communities to push for transformative policy change. The coalition works to reduce the harm of the criminal legal system while shrinking its reach and negative impact on individuals and families across the state.

“By eliminating fees that target Californians who are least able to pay them, ending the practice of jailing people who are unable to pay fines, and removing financial barriers to communicating with loved ones across prison walls, these bills advance racial and economic equity. Real solutions to public safety keep families together and don’t punish people simply for being poor.” — Natalie Smith, coalition advocate with DFJC and member of LSPC / AOUON. 

Eliminating Bench Warrants for Infractions (AB 2122 – Kalra)
Bench warrants for failing to pay or appear on minor infractions can lead to the arrest of someone for an otherwise non-jailable offense. This bill would stop cycles of punishment tied to poverty by ending the authority to issue bench warrants for failure to appear or pay a fine related to a traffic infraction, and by making bench warrants for non-traffic infractions non-custodial. 

“For years, infraction bench warrants have functioned as a debtor’s prison, creating a two-tiered system where people who have money for fines never have to appear in court, while those who cannot pay face the potential of arrest for what are otherwise non-jailable, minor offenses. AB 2122 limits the use of infraction bench warrants and, in doing so, reduces the risk of incarceration over an ineffective, excessively punitive punishment for what is essentially a crime of poverty.” — Assemblymember Ash Kalra

Eliminating Poverty Fees (AB 2428 – Rodriguez)
California has eliminated over 40 administrative fees from its criminal system since 2021. However, “poverty fees,” including fees for bounced checks, fees to enter into payment plans, and fees to participate in community service, act as burdensome charges on people least able to pay, with little benefit to public safety or government revenue. This bill would eliminate these fees statewide.

“When we talk about affordability, we must also address the policies that disproportionately burden low-income Californians. Administrative legal fees often push families deeper into debt simply for navigating the justice system. AB 2428 eliminates these ineffective and inequitable fees, providing meaningful relief and ensuring that access to justice does not come with lasting financial hardship.” Assemblymember Celeste Rodriguez

Addressing Prison Communications Costs (SB 498 – Becker)
Senate Bill 1008 (Becker) ended all costs of phone calls in state prisons. Yet video visits and messaging systems in California’s jails and prisons still come with high per-minute costs, forcing incarcerated people’s families — often low income and disproportionately Black and Brown — to bear these costs. The coalition supports legislation to eliminate all costs and ensure families can maintain connections that are vital to successful reentry and community wellbeing.

“Maintaining connections to loved ones is one of the strongest predictors of successful reentry and public safety. We can’t let outdated policies cut off conversations every 15 minutes, preventing people from staying in touch. SB 498 brings a common sense, data-driven solution to our system by ending unnecessary disruptions of loved ones’ conversations. If we are serious about rehabilitation, we need to support connection, not create barriers.” Senator Josh Becker 

“The current political moment demands that the legislature continue to move forward towards eliminating burdensome and racially extractive fines and fees that harm already economically deprived communities. California has been leading in these efforts and must continue towards truly advancing policies that live up to its progressive image” — Brandon Greene, Director of Policy Advocacy, The Western Center on Law and Poverty

The coalition will work through the legislative session in partnership with impacted community members and allied organizations to secure passage of these bills and advance a more just and equitable California.

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About Debt Free Justice California 

Debt Free Justice California is a coalition, comprised of legal advocates, policy experts, and, most importantly, movement-building organizations led by impacted people, focused on ending California’s system of extracting wealth from—and maintaining a system of punishment and control of—low-income communities and communities of color within the criminal legal system and prison industrial complex. This includes the imposition and collection of fines, fees, and restitution in the juvenile, criminal, and civil legal systems. 

About Western Center on Law and Poverty 

Western Center on Law & Poverty is California’s premier nonprofit public interest social justice law organization. Founded in 1967, we provide comprehensive advocacy and legal services to prevent poverty, redress systemic racism, and foster policies ensuring equitable healthcare, affordable housing, and fair access to public programs. Through litigation and policy advocacy in and beyond California, we advance racial and economic justice—dismantling and transforming systems so all communities in California can thrive. 

Bill Summaries 

Eliminating Bench Warrants for Infractions (AB 2122-Kalra) 

Bench warrants for failing to pay or appear on minor infractions can lead to the arrest of someone for an otherwise non-jailable offense. This bill would stop cycles of punishment tied to poverty by ending the authority to issue bench warrants for failure to appear or pay a fine related to a traffic infraction, and by making bench warrants for non-traffic infractions non-custodial. 

Eliminating Poverty Fees (AB 2428-Rodriguez) 

California has eliminated over 40 administrative fees from its criminal system since 2021. However, “poverty fees,” including fees for bounced checks, fees to enter into payment plans, and fees to participate in community service, act as burdensome charges on people least able to pay, with little benefit to public safety or government revenue. This bill would eliminate these fees statewide.

Addressing Prison Communications Costs (SB 498-Becker) 

Senate Bill 1008 (Becker) ended all costs of phone calls in state prisons. Yet video visits and messaging systems in California’s jails and prisons still come with high per-minute costs, forcing incarcerated people’s families — often low income and disproportionately Black and Brown — to bear these costs. The coalition supports legislation to eliminate all costs and ensure families can maintain connections that are vital to successful reentry and community wellbeing.

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Why Mass Incarceration Targets the Same Communities—And Why That Should Alarm Us All

On April 2, the Vera Institute of Justice launched the “Incarceration and Inequality Project Data Explorer,” the first Interactive data tool that highlights the intersection between economic mobility and incarceration across the United States. This tool is groundbreaking. Putting a spotlight on how, why and where incarceration occurs means that we will have the power to redirect policies and programs to change it. 

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More than 150,000 people are incarcerated in California on any given day. But mass incarceration is not evenly distributed, and it is not accidental. It follows a pattern—one that tracks closely with poverty, race, and political power. According to the 2026 Racial and Identity Profiling Advisory (RIPA) Board report, which analyzed over 5.1 million 2024 California police stops, persistent, systemic racial disparities are demonstrable and ongoing. Key findings show Black individuals were stopped 128% more often than expected, while Native American and Black individuals faced the highest rates of officer-initiated actions and arrests. 

The question we should be asking is not just what is happening, but why

This new data tool from the Vera Institute of Justice helps make the connection visible: incarceration and economic inequality are deeply intertwined, reinforcing each other across generations. But the data is only the starting point. To understand what’s really happening, we have to look at how policy choices have systematically targeted poor and disenfranchised communities—and why those choices persist. 

At its core, mass incarceration functions as a form of social sorting. 

Communities that lack economic and political power are more heavily policed, more aggressively prosecuted, and more harshly punished. This is not because crime is inherently higher in these communities, but because enforcement is concentrated there.  

Police presence, surveillance, and discretionary stops are disproportionately deployed in low-income neighborhoods and communities of color. That means more arrests for the same behaviors that go overlooked elsewhere. 

In addition, data from the 2026 RIPA Board report reveals that racial and identity profiling allegations against California law enforcement are overwhelmingly not sustained. Across 526 agencies, 13,004 complaints were filed, including 2,282 (17.5%) alleging profiling. Of the 1,552 complaints that reached a final disposition, only 3 were sustained—an extraordinarily low rate of just 0.19%, raising serious questions about accountability and oversight in the complaint review process. 

Once someone enters the system, the disparities compound. People with fewer financial resources are less able to post bail, secure private legal representation, or navigate complex legal processes. They are more likely to accept plea deals—regardless of guilt—because the cost of fighting a case is simply too high. What begins as unequal enforcement becomes unequal outcomes. 

And the consequences don’t end at release. 

A criminal record can function as a permanent barrier to stability—blocking access to jobs, housing, education, and public benefits. In effect, the system ensures that people who are already economically vulnerable become even more so. The data reflects this reality: counties with higher incarceration rates are more likely to experience declining incomes and entrenched poverty.  

This is how incarceration becomes a driver of economic inequality—not just a reflection of it. Race sharpens these dynamics even further. In California, stark disparities persist: Black and Latino individuals are heavily overrepresented, making up 28% and 46% of the prison population respectively, with Black Californians incarcerated at rates five times higher than white residents. This is not simply the result of individual bias, but of policies that have long linked race, poverty, and punishment—from redlining and disinvestment to sentencing laws and policing practices. 

When communities are both over-policed and under-resourced, the outcomes are predictable. Schools are underfunded. Job opportunities are scarce. Housing is unstable. These conditions increase exposure to the criminal legal system—not because individuals are inherently more criminal, but because the structural supports that prevent system involvement are absent. At the same time, punitive policies treat these conditions as personal failings rather than systemic ones. 

In other words, we criminalize the consequences of inequality instead of addressing its causes. And once those patterns are established, they become self-reinforcing. 

High incarceration rates destabilize families and communities. Income is lost. Children grow up with fewer resources and greater exposure to the system. Public investment continues to lag. Over time, entire neighborhoods are defined by cycles of surveillance and punishment, rather than opportunity and growth. 

So why does this continue? 

Because the communities most affected often have the least political power to change it. Policies that drive incarceration are rarely felt equally across society. For many Americans, the impacts are invisible or abstract. That distance makes it easier to sustain systems that would be unacceptable if experienced more broadly. 

But the consequences do not stay contained. When large segments of the population are locked out of economic participation, the entire economy suffers. Workforce participation declines. Public systems are strained. Inequality widens. These are not isolated outcomes—they shape the trajectory of regions, states, and the country as a whole. 

This is why the issue demands broader public attention. Mass incarceration is not just about criminal justice reform. It is about economic policy, racial equity, and how we define public investment. It forces us to confront uncomfortable questions: Why do we spend billions on punishment while underinvesting in the conditions that create stability? Why are some communities met with services and opportunity, while others are met with surveillance and enforcement? 

And most importantly: what would it look like to reverse those priorities? 

At Western Center on Law and Poverty we are working to answer that question in real time. Our advocacy recognizes that incarceration cannot be separated from the broader systems that shape people’s lives—housing, healthcare, income support, and access to opportunity. By advancing policies that reduce poverty and remove barriers to basic needs, we are dismantling the root conditions that make communities vulnerable in the first place. This work is essential, because data alone does not create change—policy does. 

The Vera Institute’s Data Explorer gives us a clearer understanding of how incarceration and inequality intersect. It shows us where disparities exist, how they evolve over time, and how communities compare. But the deeper challenge is not just to see the patterns—it is to confront the systems that produce them. 

If we continue to treat incarceration as a solution to social and economic problems, we will continue to reproduce those problems. If, instead, we invest in stability—education, housing, healthcare, and economic opportunity—we can begin to break the cycle. The reality is this: mass incarceration is not inevitable. It is the result of deliberate choices about who we invest in and who we punish. 

The question now is whether we are willing to make different choices about where our tax dollars should be spent. By focusing our policies on creating healthier and more stable communities over tax breaks and policing we can shift from a system that manages harm to one that prevents it. We can build a future where resources are directed toward opportunity, dignity, and long-term public safety, rather than perpetuating cycles of punishment and instability.

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The Incarceration and Inequality Project is guided by an advisory board of policy advocates, researchers and social service providers, including Western Center on Law & Poverty Director of Policy Advocacy Brandon Greene, along with:

Cecilia Chavez, Silicon Valley De-Bug
Lucius Couloute, Suffolk University
Ronald Day, Fortune Society
Noely Drummond, Center for Employment Opportunities
Julie Fisher-Rowe, Narrative Strategy Consultant
Thomas Gant, Center for Community Alternatives
Courtney Hanson, California Coalition of Women Prisoners
Sandhya Kajeepeta, NAACP Legal Defense Fund
Brian Kaneda, Californians United for a Responsible Budget
Shon Williams, Louisiana Center for Children’s Rights